US Backs Terrorists Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP)
Siphai Sahaba was Once Supported by the Americans
October 18, 2009
alaiwah.wordpress.com
The attack on Establishment on GHQ, was spearheaded by Mr Aqeel, Aliases Dr Usman someone who was serving as Nursing Assistant in AMC, Army Medical Corps in 2004. He was member of Jaish Mohammed and the Lashkar Jahngavi both, the Groups, which operates from District Jhang near Faisalabad. The same places, which were once, head quarter of Sipah Sahaba. Now Jaish Mohammed and Lashkar Jahngavi are splinter groups of Sipah Sahaba.
Sipah Sahaba is mother of all these terror groups that now form the Punjabi Taliban. The latter is now part of Tehrik Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Interestingly, SSP is headquartered in Jhang (Jahngavi is from Jhang), which also houses the home of Qadianis. SSP targets the Shias but never the Ahmadis. Some claim that killing Shias and Sunnis is a diversion to allow Qadianis to flourish. This seems to be the objectives of TTP as well when the Qadianis of Shabqadar (home of Aftab Ahmad Sharpoa) Achinai, and Nawai Kali villages of Peshawar near Khyber Agency are never persecuted by Taliban and they live among them peacefully.
The Ahmadis in Bannu, the home of Bahadurs Kuli Khan and the Saifullahs (PML-Q Parliamentarians) are never persecuted by Taliban; while the Shias are massacred by the Taliban in Hango and DI Khan PPP promulgated the Second Amendment to Pakistan’s Constitution which declared Qadianis as non Muslims and this made them targets of the Ahmadis.
As a result, ZA Bhutto, his two sons, and Benazir herself were politically assassinated. The Shia Hating Sipah Sahaba was part of IJI , led by Nawaz Shareef and it won seats in Provincial Governments of Punjab. Even now in 2009 a sitting Senator of PML-N is a member of Sipah Sahaba.
The Sipah Sahaba would collect their recruits from Jammat Islami and JUI, Aqeel alias Dr Usman (God knows why he has been given this name while he was just a nursing assistant) was previously connected with Jammat Islami.
The Army is not allowed to have political affiliations but the religious parties are an exception. General Zia allowed many private sessions to be held in homes of army officers and in private soldier barracks. He even included a column in Officers’ ACR (Annual Confidential Report and Dossier in GHQ), about religious interest and fervor of officers and soldiers implying having beards and attending Majlis with such religious party members.
Many power groups were made and promotions in the Army were handed out preferably to attend such Majlises. The bearded officers, although looking religious superficially, are corrupt to the core. For example, Gen Akhtar Abdul Rehman’s sons now owns dozens of sugar mills. Gen Hameed Gul owns Varan Bus Service. The indoctrination of Aqeel Alias Dr Usman is proof of this phenomenon, and goes to show that these religious organizations ve been able to infiltrate even the Army.
As he defected in 2006, it shows that religious indoctrination is continuing even now. Many people have different opinions about the Sipah Sahaba and its derivative Lashkers and Jaishes, and their objectives.
Some say that they were created to fight the Iranians. The US wanted the Influence of Iran to be contained. The Americans were afraid of a democratic progressive Islamic Iran, and particularly after help of Iran to Hezbollah in Lebanon and Syria and Hamas in Gaza and Palestine, made Iran target of Israel and America. Sipah Sahba created by the American stooge Gen Zia, who massacred Palestinians in Black September in 1970, proved his loyalty to US and Israel, was a perfect solution to enslave the most important country of Muslims. The Lashkar and Jaishes were used after 1994 onwards when they joined Taliban in Afghanistan. They were used against the Iranians in Afghanistan after the failure of Taliban to control Afghanistan.
In Afghanistan, they were used to fight the Shia dominated Northern Alliance led by Ahmed Shah Masood, supported by Iran. During this time, Nawaz Shareef was aiding Taliban through by giving them annually 60 million dollars.
In this period (1994-98), many Shias were killed in Pakistan and their mosques and places of worship were bombed. Our establishment fought a proxy war with Iran while we publicly claimed it to be our friend. Actually, we are fighting it at the behest of America and Israel.
The recent Jandolla groups in Waziristan and Balochistan is an extension of this and our close association with USA. This group was run by Al-Qaeda itself and by Osama Bin Laden right upto 9/11 , as according to recent revelations by Former FBI translator Sibel Edmonds dropped a bombshell on the Mike Malloy radio show, guest-hosted by Brad Friedman in America that Osama worked for US interest towards Iran and China.
President Ahmadinejad last month in September 2009, while addressing United Nations himself warned US and CIA of not using Baluchsitan and FATA against Iran. The Pakistani media kept mum on it. In fact, the Pakistani Ambassador was snubbed and called to foreign office of Iran, when some mosques were bombed just before the Iranian elections in 2009.
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Comment:
Muslim Community Association of the San Francisco Bay Area
Santa Clara County, California
Home to Sipah-e-eSahaba Pakistan (SSP)
Dr.Israr Ahmed
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DLA Piper, Iran: Foreign Policy Challenges and Choices: Empowering the Democratic Opposition, DLA Piper US LLP, 2006, and Global Options, Inc., Independent Assessment of the Mujahedin-e Khalq and National Council of Resistance of Iran, DLA Piper US LLP, 2006 (published together).
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Lobbying & Law - Touting 'Terrorists'
On paper, the Mujahedeen-e Khalq sounds like the sort of group the United States government might like to cultivate: well-organized Iranian exiles concentrated in Europe and Iraq who share Washington's antipathy to the theocracy in Iran. The group -- whose name translates as "warriors (or freedom fighters) for the people of Iran" -- has its own "parliament in exile," the National Council of Resistance of Iran, and says it supports a secular government, democracy, human rights, and women's rights in Iran.
In practice, however, the Iranian group has some major shortcomings in the ally department. For the past decade, the State Department has listed the MEK as a "foreign terrorist organization," and more recently has argued that the group displays "cult-like characteristics."
The MEK has been waging a spirited campaign to persuade the U.S. to drop the terrorist designation -- which would require either the secretary of State's say-so or an act of Congress.
Although the group can't make its own case directly, in the past several years two prominent former U.S. government officials have been publicly touting the MEK's virtues and arguing that the United States should remove it from the terrorist list.
At the moment, the more high-profile and influential of these advocates is former House Majority Leader Dick Armey, R-Texas, a senior policy adviser at the global law and lobbying firm DLA Piper. Last year, Armey wrote two op-eds for Washington newspapers urging the State Department to drop the MEK's terrorist designation.
"Never has the old adage 'The enemy of my enemy is my friend' been more true than in the case of the MEK," he wrote in The Hill in July. And in The Washington Times in December, Armey wrote, "With a stroke of the pen, the secretary of State could, and should, remove the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq and the National Council of Resistance of Iran from the list of foreign terrorist organizations."
In 2006, DLA Piper and Global Options, a crisis-management company, issued a 232-page report with a foreword by Armey and Neil C. Livingstone, then-CEO of Global Options, aimed at refuting the U.S. government's allegations against the MEK and calling for an end to its terrorist designation.
Another public advocate for the MEK is Raymond Tanter, who was a senior staff member at the National Security Council in the Reagan administration and is now an adjunct professor at Georgetown University. In 2005, Tanter co-founded the nonprofit Iran Policy Committee, which lists as directors or advisers a half-dozen former executive branch, military, and intelligence officials and describes its mission as promoting a "central role for the Iranian opposition" in bringing about "democratic change" in Iran. The committee's publications, conferences, and congressional briefings routinely urge the U.S. to take the MEK off its terrorist list, as well as to meet with and fund the group.
The MEK began as an anti-shah leftist group in the 1960s. It got on the wrong side of the United States when members assassinated several of the shah's American advisers in the 1970s. In the three decades since Iran became an Islamic regime, the State Department says, the MEK has waged violent attacks inside that country, and it maintains the "capacity and will to commit terrorist acts in Europe, the Middle East, the United States, Canada, and beyond." Over the years, the MEK has periodically reinvented its ideology, which today blends elements of Marxism, Islam, and feminism.
A charismatic husband-and-wife team leads the group: Massoud Rajavi, whose whereabouts are unknown, is the military leader, and Maryam Rajavi heads the political wing from France. The MEK's size is also unknown, but the Council on Foreign Relations estimates that it could have as many as 10,000 members worldwide.
In 2005, Human Rights Watch issued a report detailing complaints from a dozen former MEK members that they suffered physical and psychological abuse while they were in the group. The State Department says that members undergo indoctrination and weekly "ideological cleansings," are separated from their young children, and must vow "eternal divorce" -- that is, to remain unmarried or to divorce their spouse.
The U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 took a toll on the MEK, which had set up operations there after being driven out of Iran and, later, France in the 1980s. Because Saddam Hussein had been providing the bulk of its military and financial support, the State Department says, the MEK subsequently began to use "front organizations" to solicit contributions from expatriate Iranian communities.
The U.S. military disarmed the group's foot soldiers in Iraq and now holds some 3,500 of them as "protected persons" under the Geneva Conventions at an encampment there. "We are not embracing them, we just don't know how to [disperse] them" without putting their lives in danger, says Brookings Institution senior fellow Peter Rodman, who was an assistant Defense secretary through 2006.
MEK supporters argue that the group has renounced violence, poses no terrorist threat, and, in fact, presents a viable alternative to the theocracy in Tehran. The terrorist designation, they say, was a futile Washington sop to appease that regime. "The U.S. government at any moment can make that decision, and decide [that the designation] is unwarranted," says Alireza Jafarzadeh, the former representative in Washington for the NCRI, and now a self-described consultant and a commentator on Fox News. Jafarzadeh blames "politics" for Washington's failure to act and says that the MEK spends about 80 percent of its resources "to counter the consequences of the designation."
MEK supporters argue that the group provided vital intelligence about Iran's covert nuclear program in 2002, as well as about Iranian-sponsored attacks on U.S. soldiers in Iraq.
Although more than 220 members of Congress signed a letter in 1998 protesting the group's terrorist designation, the MEK's several legal challenges to the designation have failed, and legislative efforts to remove it have gone nowhere.
Despite the Bush administration's tough line on the Tehran regime, the MEK's political fortunes in the U.S. have declined in recent years. The NCRI was once allowed to maintain an office, hire lobbyists, hold press conferences, and generally operate openly in the United States. But in late 2003, the administration got tough and the Justice Department shut down the office. The group still has some congressional supporters -- led by the ideological odd couple of Reps. Bob Filner, D-Calif., and Tom Tancredo, R-Colo.
And then there is Armey, whose history as an outspoken advocate for the MEK is murky. In their 2006 report, Armey and Livingstone touted regime change in Iran through active support for groups such as the MEK, but said that neither the MEK nor the NCRI provided any direction, control, or financing for the report. Armey's July 2007 article had a similar disclaimer. The December 2007 article identified Armey only as the chairman of the FreedomWorks Foundation, a free-market advocacy group.
DLA Piper has received $860,000 in fees over the past four and a half years from Saeid Ghaemi, whom the firm identifies as an "Iranian-American businessman who works closely with the Iranian-American community in the U.S. to promote human rights and democracy in Iran." Public records identify Saeid Ghaemi as a used-car dealer in the Denver area, but an Internet search turned up no information about his political work with the Iranian-American community. When National Journal reached him by phone to ask about his hiring of Armey and DLA Piper, Ghaemi said he was busy and would return the call. He failed to return that or subsequent calls.
Ghaemi's brother, Tim Mehdi Ghaemi, a Denver-area real estate manager and broker, is a longtime active supporter of the MEK who bills himself as president of the group Colorado's Iranian-American Community. Over the past three years, Tim Ghaemi has helped to organize half a dozen pro-MEK events, including a controversial January 2004 fundraiser that led the Treasury Department to freeze the assets of the event's prime sponsor. In 2007, he provided $8,000 for Filner to travel to Paris to deliver a speech at an MEK rally. The Colorado group has a website that posts news about the MEK and articles about Tehran's persecution of its Iranian opponents, but NJ could find no information about the group, its members, or its board of directors.
Reached by phone, Tim Ghaemi said that his brother, Saeid, was not part of Colorado's Iranian-American Community, which he called a "larger umbrella group." He referred to "other, smaller, organizations that work specifically on other projects" such as women's rights and the rights of minority religious groups in Iran, including Christians and Jews. But "everybody, unanimously, inside and outside [Iran] -- they say there is no other hope" than the MEK, Tim Ghaemi said. The United States does not need to "send one soldier, or spend one dollar" to defeat the Iranian rulers he added, but only has to "stop appeasing the regime and take the [MEK's] name off the list."
Lobbying disclosure records show that Saeid Ghaemi hired DLA Piper in November 2004, and that Armey joined the team representing him in the first half of 2005. Over time, the team has lobbied Congress; the Defense, State, and Treasury departments; and the National Security Council.
National Journal made repeated calls to Armey's office for comment and information on how he became a supporter of the MEK. The office referred all calls to a DLA Piper spokesman, who provided no information.
Last year, Armey and the other lobbyists also worked on Ghaemi's behalf for a House measure urging the secretary of State to designate the Quds Force of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps as a foreign terrorist organization. Shortly after a broader measure targeting Iran and the Quds Force overwhelmingly passed the House last fall, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice designated the force a terrorist group.
DLA Piper also lobbied in the Senate for the Iran Human Rights Act of 2007 that would, among other things, expand U.S. support for Iranian opposition groups to include those outside Iran, and would establish a State Department envoy to reach out to such groups.
Tanter, like some other MEK defenders, says he supports the group because it is the only opposition organization that really worries the mullahs in Tehran. "I did an analysis of all the opposition groups and found that the [Islamic Iranian] regime paid attention to [the MEK] 350 percent more than all the others. I am not here to lobby on behalf of groups on the foreign terrorist organization list. I am an American trying to preserve American national security abroad and save lives."
Tanter's tax-exempt Iran Policy Committee has raised a substantial amount of money in a short period of time. In its latest filing with the Internal Revenue Service, the group reported revenues of nearly $917,000 -- with Tanter receiving about $102,000 in salary, and the group's co-chairs, Bruce McColm and Chuck Nash, getting just over $32,000 and $21,000, respectively.
Tanter says his group raises money on the Web and from speeches. "Every time I speak before a pro-Israel group or an anti-Iranian-regime group, hundreds of people show up, and if I'm in Europe, thousands show up," he said. The average contribution is less than $1,000, he said, but some have been six- and seven-figure donations from his former students who now "make a killing" on Wall Street and "remember me." Tanter added that he drew on his retirement money to start the group.
The law prohibits anyone in the United States or subject to its laws from providing "material support or resources" to a designated foreign terrorist organization. But these financial sanctions don't prohibit "U.S. citizens from expressing their views on economic sanctions matters -- and that includes the designation of the MEK -- to Congress or the Executive Branch" according to the Treasury Department, whose Office of Foreign Assets Control oversees the sanctions. Bill Livingstone, who worked with his brother Neil on the 2006 report, said that the authors made sure the report did not violate Treasury's rules.
"The First Amendment protects Dick Armey to make his opinions known, and protects the Iran Policy Committee's educational mission to find options to reinforce our diplomacy" toward Iran, Tanter said. He has hired an attorney who specializes in the arcane Treasury rules and contends that his group tries "to vet our money to make sure we're not getting any" from prohibited groups. Tanter also points out that several of his group's advisers and directors are retired military and intelligence officers with security clearances that they would do nothing to jeopardize.
The effect of Armey's and Tanter's efforts is unclear. So far, the MEK's efforts to shed its terrorist designation have met with far more success in Europe than here. The group has won court decisions mandating that the European Union unfreeze the group's assets and that Great Britain remove it from that country's list of terrorist groups. The British government says it intends to appeal.
Although the State Department is required to review its designation of the MEK later this year, the group's supporters fear that the decision will reflect a political climate that has become less sympathetic to their cause. Administration hard-liners, who have lost ground to pragmatists, have been further undercut by the recent National Intelligence Estimate stating that Iran stopped its nuclear weapons program in 2003 -- a conclusion that the MEK disputes. "This so-called hard-line [Bush] administration is more interested in striking a grand bargain with Iran than the E.U. is," Tanter said. He and other MEK boosters also contend that if relations with Tehran worsen, the MEK's prospects could revive.
The neoconservative community, where the MEK has found support in the past, has become sharply divided, with critics becoming as vocal as supporters in conservative publications. I don't think any administration is going to want to include them," said Rodman, who describes himself as a hard-line opponent of the Tehran regime. "Everyone has rejected [the MEK]. They're not the kind of people we want to work with."
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| Ukraine | Kyiv | DLA Piper Ukraine LLC 77A Chervonoarmiyska Str. Kyiv 03150 T: +380 (44) 490 95 75 F: +380 (44) 490 95 77 |
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| United Kingdom | Birmingham | DLA Piper UK LLP Victoria Square House Victoria Square Birmingham B2 4DL T: +44 (0) 8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 121 262 5794 Key Contacts: Chris Rawstron |
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| United Kingdom | Edinburgh | DLA Piper Scotland LLP Rutland Square Edinburgh EH1 2AA T: +44 (0) 8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 131 242 5555 Key Contacts: Bruce Westbrook |
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| United Kingdom | Glasgow | DLA Piper Scotland LLP 249 West George Street Glasgow G2 4RB T: +44 (0)8700 111 111 F: +44 (0)141 204 1902 Key Contacts: Bruce Westbrook |
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| United Kingdom | Leeds | DLA Piper UK LLP Princes Exchange Princes Square Leeds LS1 4BY T: +44 (0)8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 113 369 2949 Key Contacts: Neil McLean |
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| United Kingdom | Liverpool | DLA Piper UK LLP India Buildings Water Street Liverpool L2 0NH T: +44 (0) 8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 151 236 9208 Key Contacts: Philip Rooney |
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| United Kingdom | London | DLA Piper UK LLP 3 Noble Street London EC2V 7EE T: +44 (0) 8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 20 7796 6666 Key Contacts: Catherine Usher |
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| United Kingdom | Manchester | DLA Piper UK LLP 101 Barbirolli Square Bridgewater Manchester M2 3DL T: +44 (0) 8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 161 235 4111 Key Contacts: Simon Woolley |
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| United Kingdom | Sheffield | DLA Piper UK LLP 1 St Paul's Place Sheffield S1 2JX T: +44 (0) 8700 111 111 F: +44 (0) 114 270 0568 Key Contacts: Stephen Sly |
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| United States | Atlanta | DLA Piper LLP (US) One Atlantic Center 1201 West Peachtree Street, Suite 2800 Atlanta, Georgia 30309-3450 T: (404) 736-7800 F: (404) 682-7800 Key Contacts: Mark Grantham |
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| United States | Austin | DLA Piper LLP (US) 1221 South MoPac Expressway, Suite 400 Austin, Texas 78746-7650 T: (512) 457-7000 F: (512) 457-7001 Key Contacts: Jim Montgomery |
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| United States | Baltimore (Downtown) | DLA Piper LLP (US) 111 South Calvert Street, Suite 1950 Baltimore, Maryland 21202-6193 T: (410) 580-3000 F: (410) 580-3665 Key Contacts: Deborah Jennings |
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| United States | Baltimore (Mount Washington) | DLA Piper LLP (US) 6225 Smith Avenue Baltimore, Maryland 21209-3600 T: (410) 580-3000 F: (410) 580-3001 Key Contacts: Paul Tiburzi |
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| United States | Boston | DLA Piper LLP (US) 33 Arch Street, 26th Floor Boston, Massachusetts 02110-1447 T: (617) 406-6000 F: (617) 406-6100 Key Contacts: Elliot Surkin |
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| United States | Cherry Hill | DLA Piper US LLP 1814 East Route 70, Suite 301 Cherry Hill, New Jersey 08003-2057 T: (877) 799-7472 F: (215) 656-3301 Key Contacts: Paul Taufer |
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| United States | Chicago | DLA Piper LLP (US) 203 North LaSalle Street, Suite 1900 Chicago, Illinois 60601-1293 T: (312) 368-4000 F: (312) 236-7516 Key Contacts: William Rudnick |
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| United States | Dallas | DLA Piper LLP (US) 1717 Main Street, Suite 4600 Dallas, Texas 75201-4629 T: (214) 743-4500 F: (214) 743-4545 Key Contacts: Philip Weller |
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| United States | Houston | DLA Piper LLP (US) Chase Tower 600 Travis Street, Suite 1700 Houston, Texas 77002-3009 T: (713) 425-8400 F: (713) 425-8401 |
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| United States | La Jolla | DLA Piper LLP (US) 1200 Prospect Street, Suite 575 La Jolla, California 92037-3654 T: (858) 638-6806 F: (858) 456-3075 Key Contacts: Mike Tracy |
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| United States | Las Vegas | DLA Piper LLP (US) 3960 Howard Hughes Parkway, Suite 400 Las Vegas, Nevada 89169-5982 T: (702) 737-3433 F: (702) 737-1612 |
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| United States | Los Angeles (Century City) | DLA Piper LLP (US) 1999 Avenue of the Stars, Suite 400 Los Angeles, California 90067-6023 T: (310) 595-3000 F: (310) 595-3300 Key Contacts: Michael Meyer |
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| United States | Los Angeles (Downtown) | DLA Piper LLP (US) 550 South Hope Street, Suite 2300 Los Angeles, California 90071-2678 T: (213) 330-7700 F: (213) 330-7701 Key Contacts: Michael Meyer |
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| United States | Minneapolis | DLA Piper LLP (US) 90 South Seventh Street, Suite 5100 Minneapolis, Minnesota 55402-4168 T: (612) 524-3000 F: (612) 524-3001 Key Contacts: Alan Kildow |
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| United States | New York | DLA Piper LLP (US) 1251 Avenue of the Americas New York, New York 10020-1104 T: (212) 335-4500 F: (212) 335-4501 Key Contacts: Peter Pantaleo |
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| United States | Northern Virginia |
DLA Piper LLP (US) 1775 Wiehle Avenue, Suite 400 Reston, Virginia 20190-5159 T: (703) 773-4000 F: (703) 773-5000 Key Contacts: Lisa Norton |
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| United States | Philadelphia | DLA Piper LLP (US) One Liberty Place 1650 Market Street, Suite 4900 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19103-7300 T: (215) 656-3300 F: (215) 656-3301 Key Contacts: James Brogan |
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| United States | Phoenix | DLA Piper LLP (US) 2415 East Camelback Road, Suite 700 Phoenix, Arizona 85016-4245 T: (480) 606-5100 F: (480) 606-5101 Key Contacts: Mark Nadeau |
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| United States | Raleigh | DLA Piper LLP (US) 4141 Parklake Avenue, Suite 300 Raleigh, North Carolina 27612-2350 T: (919) 786-2000 F: (919) 786-2200 Key Contacts: Brad Markoff |
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| United States | Sacramento | DLA Piper LLP (US) 400 Capitol Mall, Suite 2400 Sacramento, California 95814-4428 T: (916) 930-3200 F: (916) 930-3201 Key Contacts: Gilles Attia |
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| United States | San Diego (Downtown) | DLA Piper LLP (US) 401 B Street, Suite 1700 San Diego, California 92101-4297 T: (619) 699-2700 F: (619) 699-2701 Key Contacts: Robert Brownlie |
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| United States | San Diego (Golden Triangle) | DLA Piper LLP (US) 4365 Executive Drive, Suite 1100 San Diego, California 92121-2133 T: (858) 677-1400 F: (858) 677-1401 Key Contacts: Robert Brownlie |
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| United States | San Francisco | DLA Piper LLP (US) 555 Mission Street, Suite 2400 San Francisco, California 94105-2933 T: (415) 836-2500 F: (415) 836-2501 Key Contacts: David Gross |
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| United States | Seattle | DLA Piper LLP (US) 701 Fifth Avenue, Suite 7000 Seattle, Washington 98104-7044 T: (206) 839-4800 F: (206) 839-4801 Key Contacts: Heidi Drivdahl |
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| United States | Silicon Valley | DLA Piper LLP (US) 2000 University Avenue East Palo Alto, California 94303-2214 T: (650) 833-2000 F: (650) 833-2001 Key Contacts: Andrew Valentine |
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| United States | Tampa | DLA Piper LLP (US) 100 North Tampa, Suite 2200 Tampa, Florida 33602-5809 T: (813) 229-2111 F: (813) 229-1447 Key Contacts: Ronald Holliday |
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| United States | Washington, DC | DLA Piper LLP (US) 500 Eighth Street, NW Washington, DC 20004 T: (202) 799-4000 F: (202) 799-5000 Key Contacts: Ann Ford |
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| Zambia | Lusaka | Chibesakunda & Company (part of DLA Piper Group) Abacus House Kabelenga Road Lusaka T: +260 1 236319 F: +260 1 236478 |